Scientific research
Team of researchers:
1. Liudmila Nikolaevna Starikova, student of the 11th term (municipal
educational institution / general-education secondary school, Balakhton,
“Research” Association of Local Lore)
2. Anna Sergeevna Moshkina, student of the 11th term (municipal educational
institution / general-education secondary school, Balakhton, “Research”
Association of Local Lore)
Ivan Nikolaevich Morozov, student of the 11th term (municipal educational
institution / general-education secondary school, Balakhton, “Research”
Association of Local Lore)
Project leader: Yulia Anatolevna Khmara
Hamlet of Balakhton
1. Introduction
2. Principal part
Chapter 1. « Survey of Literature »
Chapter 2. “The history of the Germans in Russia”
Chapter 3. “The Germans in our village”
Chapter 4. “The history of my family”
3. Closing words
4. Appendix
5. Biographical references
The priority objective of the present research project is to educate and encourage people to show solidarity and behave in a human way towards those, who were victims of repressions, and, apart from this, learn to adopt a regardful attitude towards the historical past of our home country.
About twentythousand people who were affected by political repressions, live in the Krasnoyarsk Territory today. In our village repressed Germans and their families make up one forth of the entire population figure. They have been living here for more than 65 years.
How did they get to this place? How did they meet and accept their fate? How did
they manage to adopt the entirely new living conditions? What about their
relations to the locals?
We were interested in receiving answers to these and much more questions coming
up in the course of our research work.
By means of this project we intend to make a contribution to the research activities dedicated to the fate of the Germans, who lived here in the past and who are residents of our settlement today …
Hypothesis: We assume that the Germans did not come to our village by pure chance; they succeeded in defending their right to live and conserve their originalities and their culture.
Aim: Detailed research on characteristics in the fate of the repressed Germans, who have been living in our village for more than 65 years.
Definition of the project:
1. Concentrated study of materials available on the subject in question. Summary of data and details, in such a way that the objective target of this project will be realized.
2. Activities to be done out of the office: gather information about the fate of the Germans who live in our village; analyze the material gathered and draw the corresponding conclusions. Our project is based on the following research methods:
1. Information search
• Libraries
• Materials obtained from archives and museums
• Contacting of people, whose fates represent the topic of our research work
2. Search methods
Compile, systematize and arrange all gathered materials into a research exposition.
The collection of materials was done with the aid of children from the “Sources” Association of Local Lore, school teachers interested in the subject and villagers.
The historiography of the fates of repressed Germans has not yet been researched to the full extent. This is mainly due to the fact that the Soviet government officially acknowledged “the criminal illegality, the barbaric deeds and artrocities committed by the Stalinist regime on deported peoples” only in 1989 1.
The author of the article “The history of the Soviet Germans within the historiography of the Federal Republic of Germany // Questions of history”, 1992, L.V. Malinovskiy is using a very precise term to describe the situation: “It seems that the Germans have been ignored by history” 2. Researchers only began to deal with the subject of the politically repressed Germans during the glasnost era, at the time of M.S. Gorbachev’s government. This off-limits topic became the subject of a new field of study, which meanwhile increasingly attracts historians’ attention.
The late 1980s and early 1990s represented the time when the curtain of long-time silence about the events linked to the deportations of Germans and other peoples of the USSR was finally risen.
In L.V. Malinovskiy’s opinion the following factors had a stimulating effect on such active studies in the present matter:
1. The revival of the social and political movement of the Germans, and the foundation of the “Wiedergeburt” (“Renaissance”; translator’s note) Association.
2. The passing of bills and normative acts enacting the future rehabilitation of the repressed peoples of the USSR and the victims of political repressions.
3. The International Researchers’ Association of History and Culture of the Russian Germans which was founded in 1995.
First and foremost journalists alluded to the tragedy of the German people. A selection of documents, which had been kept under strict secrecy up to that date, were now published. N. Bugai’s articles, for example, were treating the deportations of the peoples of the USSR in detail. They were based on documents which had been kept strictly confidential all the time before. They published collections of documents about the history of political repressions and the rehabilitation of German citizens.
The publication of memoirs, reports, reminiscences and letters of eye-witnesses play a significant roll within historiography.
In the middle of the 1990s a whole series of monographies were published, such as for example: “The fates of the German villages in Siberia at the time of the Great Terror” (author: L. Belkovets) or “The history of the Germans in West Siberia” (author: W. Brul). They reveal the reasons and backgrounds of political repressions, their characteristics, their form of appearance and regional particularities as from the end of the 1920s.
Although a lot has been done within a very short period of time, W. Brul is of the opinion that up to this day “the history of political repressions against the Soviet Germans has only been written in fragments” 3.
And now the time has come to talk about this part of history, for this is what
our remembrance commits us to.
The history of Siberia’s colonization by Germans comprises a space of time of more than one-hundred years. Die Germans were among the first resettlers who came to Siberia; together with the Russians they took an active part in the colonization of the Siberian Region. The very first descriptions of this part of the country are from German scholars and explorers: Daniel Gottlieb Messerschmidt, Gerhatd Friedrich Miller, Peter Simon Pallas and others. There were many Germans among Siberian civil servants and officers, clergymen and teachers, architects and musicians, merchants and artisans.
The resettlement of the Germans to Siberia was the continuation und final episode of the movement of German groups to the east. The incessant stream of foreigners to Russia, which considerably increased during the Petersburg Epoch, angled off at the time of Catherine II.
In 1762 and 1763 Catherine II issues two manifestos, by which foreigners are invited to come to Russia, where, in case of actual resettlement, they are guaranteed significant benefits and privileges: they, in fact, were granted land gratis from the Crown, as well as money for their removal, the building of houses and the organization of their farms; apart from this, they were temporarily exempted from taxes and tributes for a duration of thirty years and did not have to serve in the army. The colonists maintained their autonomy and had the right to unrestricted exercise of religious freedom. At that time, huge colonies were founded in the Volga Region, in New Russia, Bessarabia, the Caucasus and the immediate vicinity of Petersburg.
The next resettlement incentive was provided by Stolypin’s reform. Thus, the vast territories of Slavgorod and Omsk county were settled by German colonists.
The events of the year 1917 (revolution), civil war and collectivization did not leave the German colonies unaffected. In October 1918 the Decree about the formation of a Volga-German Labour Commune was passed. In 1924 they proclaimed the Autonomous Republic (ASSR) of the Volga-Germans, which became the center of the German diaspora.
A sudden turn of events in the fate of the Russian Germans took place in 1941. On thw 28 August 1941 the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet passed a decree, on the basis of which the entire German population of the Autonomous Republic of the Volga Germans, as well as of the Saratov and Stalingrad Districts was to be displaced to Kazakhstan and Siberia.
Extracts from the Decree of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet dated the 28 August 1941 about mass deportations of the Germans:
“According to accurate information received by military authorities, the German population residing in the Volga Rayon is harboring thousands upon thousands of subversives and spies who, given only a signal from germany, will cause explosions to take place in the region inhabites by Volga-Germans.
In order to prevent undesirable occurrences of this kind and to avoid bloodshed. the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR has found it necessary to resettle the entire German population of the Volga Region to other districts under the condition that the resettled people be allotted land and given State aid to settle in the new regions. The resettled Germans will be given land in the Novosibirsk and Omsk Districts, in the Altai Region, the Republic of Kazakhstan and neighbouring localities rich in land”.
At the time when the Red Army was withdrawing from the front lines, day after day bemoaning the loss of tens of thousands of dead soldiers and prisoners of war, Beriya detached 14000 men, as well as NKVD troops commanded by the deputy people’s commissar of interior affairs, General Ivan Serov, in order to realize the planned resettlement operation. The general had already made a name for himself during the “purge” of the Baltic Republics.
The resettlement operation was carried out in a tearing hurry; everything went according to plan and in a well-organized way. Within 17 days, between the 3rd and 20th September 1941, 446480 Germans were deported by 230 trains, each of them composed of about 50 freight cars with approximately 2000 passengers. The trains went slowly, just making a few kilometers per hour; it took a long time, about four to eight weeks, until they finally reached the point of final destination. And they were going into all directions: Omsk and Novosibirsk, Barnaul, the southern parts of Siberia and Krasnoyarsk.
Thus, more than 82% of the Germans, who had been peacefully living scattered over the whole territiry of the Soviet state, were deported at exactly the same time, although, in view of the disastrous situation of the country, all available efforts and energies should have been combined and directed towards the battle against the enemy, instead of sending hundreds of thousands of innocent Soviet citizens into internal exile by force.
The number of deportees of Germans origin was, in fact, many times over, for tens of thousands of soldiers and officers of German nationality were removed from the Red Army and sent into the punitive batallions of the labour army in the environs of Vorkuta, Kemerovo and Chelyabinsk. In Chelyabinsk alone more than 25000 Germans were working for the construction of the steel combine.
Since the activities of the NKVD had been declared strictly confidential, the local authorities were informed about the arrival auf the tens of thousands of exiled people only in the very last minute. There had not been made any arrangements regarding their accomodation in appropriate dwellings. They were just placed into barns or stables or simply asked to stay in the open air, although the onset of winter was to be expected soon.
And how many deportees had already died during transport? According to details given by the Krasnoyarsk Regional State Archive, 29600 deported people were scheduled to arrive in the Karaganda District; however, the census of the 1st January 1942 proved that merely 8304 individuals definitely reached their place of final destination; the plan quota for the Novosibirsk District was based on 130998 people; in fact, only 116612 individuals arrived there. There are varying figures for the German resettlers who arrived in the Krasnoyarsk Region. The statement of accounts made by the head of the Krasnoyarsk Resettlement Agency, Stepanov, de facto shows the figure 75623, standing for the number of people arrived, while the plan dictated only 75000; and the Regional Committee of the CPSU reports that 17307 families, in the total number of 77359 individuals, arrived on the 1 November 1941. 1578 of them were taken to the Kosulsk District.
As already mentioned above, one forth of the population in our village are made up by Germans. They all live on pension; at the time when their families were deported, they were between 12 and 15 years old, but although decades have passed since then, they have not managed to erase these tragic September days of the year 1941 from their minds.
Their deportation was characterized by allness, id est the entire German population of the USSR, which lived west of the Ural Mountains, was affected by the resettlement campaign without exception. We found out that all repressed Germans who now live in our village, were residents of the Saratov Region in earlier times, the Belzir District (District/Canton Balzer; translator’s note), village of Anton.
“We lived in a rich village”, Maria Kondtarevna (Konradevna) Focht recalls. “The houses were all made of bricks and stones; almost each of them had a garden with apple trees, and some people were even growing wine. And each family was working on its own farm”.
The ukase which was passed on the 28 August 1941 brought about a sudden turn in the lives of the entire people and each individual, as well. “They gave us only a few days to pack our belongings; they permitted us to take along a sack of flour an potatoes. However, the order also said that everything else had to be left behind; all fixtures and fittings were itemized, files created, and we believed and were even sure that, later, everything would be returned to us”. (From the memoirs of Waldemar Freidrichovich Gardt (Hardt?)).
Nobody knew where they were taken to, they had no idea about why all this happened and whether they would ever come back home. Only very few were able to sell their farmyard within the time stated, in order to dispose of some money for the trip. They were explained that they had to go in order to avoid bloodshed.
“A truck was approaching and they began with the loading. We locked our houses, released the dogs from their chains and let the cats run into the street, hoping that they would somehow manage to survive. We felt that they intended to lure us on to destruction, and the cattle, which had already returned from work in the fields, was moving towards the embankment of the Volga – distracted with pain, for it was high time for the cows to be milked”. (From the memoirs of Johannes Johannesovich Schnaider).
Having abandonned their houses, all their goods and chattels, they took their children and left their home region. The storage cellars were brimming with salted meat and vegetables; the potatoes had not been harvested yet, nor had the grain crop in the kolkhoz fields been finished. The corn bent under the weight of the spikes, but those who had passed the ukase, did not give a damn about it.
“We were loaded on trains, in so-called “cattle boxes”, freight-cars on the floor of which was nothing but straw. They did not give us anything to eat, although rumours were circulating that we were entitled to foodstuffs. Every now and then, when the train stopped, they gave us the permission to get off. However, we were guarded all the time”. (From the memoirs of Arnold Genrichovich (Heinrichovich) Mezger (Metzger).
Thus, these poor people who had been accused of espionage and sabotage, were deported on the 16 September. It was a long, long trip which was dragging on for 18 days and nights. Finally, on the 4 October they reache Kosulka, and Siberia welcomed them by iciness and mud.
“”Buyers” were already awaiting us in Kosulka; the bought us up and then took us to different village. Some of us got to Balakhton, others to Shadrino, Osinovka, Nikolaevka, Karachagovka. The majority of the buyers were women, for the men were all fighting on the front, but economy was in urgent need of manpower”. (From the memoirs of Arnold Andreevich Metzger).
As already mentioned in Chapter 2, the local authorities were not attuned to the sudden appearance of so many people, at all. They were practically unable to accommodate them. The newcomers were housed in buildings, which were already occupied by local residents, although the government had considered to allot land to the Germans; but nothing of the sort came true.
“ They accomodated us in a barn, but in our family alone there were 13 children”. (From the memoirs of Irina Aleksandrovna Geinz (Heinz).
“When we arrived in Balakhton, they “housed” us under a kind of roofing, where they had put a stove. We immediately fired it and then huddled close together like flies, just in order to get warm. They assigned us a barrack only the second day”. (From the memoirs of Johannes Johannesovich Schnaider).
The local residents looked at them with rapt attention. Their nationality played a decisive roll with regard to the attitude of the natives towards them. They considered them as fascists and scarcely anybody knew that the Germans had been living in their country since the late 18th century. In many cases, however, the residents provided them support an assistance.
“An old women next door to us was cooking potatoes; when they were done, she used to throw them into our room through the window”. (From the memoirs of Arnold Andreevich Metzger).
“In the end, we were assigned to organize our life in Shadrino. The family which was to put us up had already been waiting for us. A samovar was standing on the table, and they had even heated the steam-bath for us”. (From the memoirs of Alma Friedrichovna Hardt).
Time was passing by, the people began to settle in and, step by step, got used to their new living conditions. The Germans are characterized by extraordinary diligence, and this probably made them survive. The German women used to knit for the locals: cardigans with beautiful patterns, artful shawls, colourful mittens; they produced numerous pieces of embroidery – they brought all these pleasant things into our life.
“We exchanged our togs against foodstuffs, but primarily we were knitting and sewing on order of the other village people, and they would give us milk, potatoes and bacon in return”. (From the memoirs of all).
“We lived next door to Friedrich Michailovich Gardt’s family; throughout all the years of our neighbourhood I never heard them say swear-words. They were remarkably dilignet, hard-working people. And even the best cook would envy them for the delicious meals they were able to cook, not to mention cakes: doughnuts, bismarcks, sponge tarts – they taught us how to make them”. (From the memoirs of Anna Petrovna Rudakova, one of the locals).
It was very hard for us to survive, but we never lost hope. We gathered frozen potatoes, washed and grated them and then baked flat cakes. In the autumn we used to pick spikes from the kolkhoz fields; they would scold us, however, we were forced to live on something”. (From the memoirs of Emilie Friedrichovna Werfel).
The desire to live, to hold one’s own children in one’s arms, the hope of a possible return – all this helped the pople to survive. Many Germans were not even making the effort to quickly settle in the new locations; they were of the opinion that they would be able to return to their former places of residence as soon as the war was over.
At the time of the deportation almost 50% of the displaced children were younger than 16 years, many of them having succeeded to finish 4-5 terms at school; in the new locations a continuation of their education was utterly impossible, due to the fact that they had no command of the Russian language and in lack of material preconditions.
“I finished four terms at home; I was the best of all students; but since our arrival in the new location I have not attended any school anymore, not even for a single day. I could not understand and speak Russian; everybody was laughing at me”. (From the memoirs of Maria Kondratevna Focht).
Already in 1942 the government had another stroke of fate in store for them: they passed a bill saying that the Germans were to be mobilized into labour colonies, in order to take advantage of their manpower for enterprises and construction projects of the NKVD.
“They sent my brother to the labour front in Kirov, where he starved to death, just one year before the victory. He left behind his wife and two little children”. (From the memoirs of Maria Kondratevna Focht).
All German men between 15 and 55, as well as German women, were drafted into labour camps. Many never came back home, and in case they returned they were sick persons or invalids.
Time was passing by, the war came to an end, but they continued to feel like prisoners. For they still had to regularly appear at the commandant’s office to get checked and registered.
“We lived in Osinovka and my father had to report to the commandant regularly. “What’s so different about me?” – father asked. Instead of a reply the commandant handed out a small parcel to him and said: “Take this sealed package to Balakhton”. Up to there he had to walk 22 kilometers. Father took the small parcel and went to Balakhton to deliver it; but there was nothing in the box at all; it was all empty. This is the lesson the commandant taught him”. (From the memoirs of Arnold Andreevich Metzger).
Only on 28 February 1956, based on a ukase of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR dated the 15 December 1955, all Germans were finally released from forced settlement.
In the 1960s was restored the lawful existence of some of the autonomous republics, which had had already been erased from the maps for their alleged collaboration with the occupants. In 1972 only, representatives of deported peoples were, in fact, permitted to choose the place of residence themselves.
Nobody from Balakhton ever returned to the Saratov Region. Balakhton had meanwhile become their second home. It was the place, where they had founded their own families, where their children were born. It was the place where they had managed to catch up with the locals, became friends and began to live, as if they were members of a huge Siberian family. And nobody would consider to classify them into two groups - Russians and Germans. Many of them went to work for the kolkhoz farm. They did their word assiduously and were nominated shockworkers not only once. They received rewards, honorary certificates and thank-you letters.
Rosa Yakovlevna Laut was working for the village centre of cultural life as a director for a long time; she was very inspirational and full of energy; she attracted a lot of attention due to her lively nature and optimism. Irina Aleksandrovna Heinz is still working as a German teacher for the school in Balakhton. Arnold Andreevich Metzger had different jobs in leading positions: chairman of the Workers’ Committee – 15 years, thenhead of the village administration. Fiodor Mikhailovich Werfel, Emilia Fiodorovna Werfel, Waldemar Friedrichovoch Gardt, Yekaterina (Katharina) Genrichovna (Heinrichovna) Rotermel (Rotärmel), Adam Andreevich Rotärmel, Aleksander Aleksandrovich Knibenberg, Lidia Aleksandrovna Knibenberg and many others – have been working for the kolhoz farm all their life.; each of them was an exemplary worker; it is just their family name and their accent which still give evidence of their German origin.
They suffered different hard lots, but it was just those fates which brought most of them together and helped them to survive; the succeeded to manage their lives in dignity.
We will report on one of these families in detail.
Among all the repressed people was the family of Friedrich Mikhailovich and Sofia Andreevna Gardt.
F.M. Gardt, born in 1896, graduated from the University of Pedagogics (Faculty of Literature) in Kamyshev. In 1917 he home-schooled children in the village of Anton, Belzer (Balzer) District, and as from 1920 he held the position of a school director and was teaching the history of German literature. His wife, S.A. Gardt, accepted the responsibility for the education of their five children: Frieda, Erna, Mina (Minna), Volodia and Alma. At the beginning of the war the little ones went to school; Frieda, the eldest daughter had been educated at a college, Erna finished the first term At the University of pedagogics. Along with other families they were deported to Siberia and forced to settle in the village of Shadrino, Kosulsk District. The local school did not dispose of any job vacancy, so that F.M. Gardt did not have the opportunity to work as a teacher. In 1942 she she accepted a job as a teacher of mathematics and physics at the school in Balakhton, and for this reason the whole family had to remove there.
“Our father was a well-deucated, civilized man, he was perfectly good at Russian, French and German; hence, it was quite easy for him to find a job” (from the memoirs of the youngest daughter). Sofia Andreevna did the housekeeping, knitted, handsewed and embroidered – in a word: she tried her best to pull her family through. In 1943 Frieda, Mina and Volodia were called up to the labour front. Frieda found herself in a pit in the town of Prokopievsk, Mina had to work for a roadworks project in Bashkiria. Volodia was sent back home three months later, for he was only 15 years old at that time.
“Pretty soon father was an utterly respected person at school; his former students recall him until today, although they are all far beyond 60 – O.V. Katargina, M.I. Savchenko. And one of the graduateds of his school, Viktor Ivanovich Jeremin, later occupied the post of the director of the school in Balakhton” (from the memoirs of the youngest daughter).
F.M. Gardt was working for the school until 1948, and people always remembered him as a decent fellow and extraordinarily just teacher. His own heart, however, was burning all the time, it was longing for his home, for the banks of the river Volga.
From exile
The soul gravitates towards the wonderful banks
Of the beloved Volga – my home,
Towards the little streamlets, the valley and the familiar hills,
Which are pervaded by rays of sun.
Those ten years in Siberian exile due to forced resettlement,
Have not been able to extinguish the embers in my breast!
Nobody will ever manage to extinguish this desire
For freedom and happiness in this solitude …
I strongly believe that the hour of freedom will come,
As soon as the authorities have found a possible way out
For us, the displaced persons of the war,
And then your and our way will cross eachother.
And we will lead a happy life at the banks of the Volga,
As we did until those unfortunate days in August.
We will teach you in school for a long time,
for the good of our home region, for the luck of our children …
1952
He died in 1965. The students themselves carried the coffin – all the way up to the cemetery, thus paying their last respects to him. Sofia Andreevna died in 1985, she lived to see her grandchildren and grand-grandchildren. Frieda Friedrichovna has also been dead since long; Erna Friedrichovna lives in the Mansk District; Mina Friedrichovna left for Germany in 1994. She is still living there. Alma Friedrichovna Gardt began to work for the kolkhoz farm at the age of 12, although she did not wish to work just for the kolkhoz , for her parents were no kolkhoz farmers, but the commandant forced her to gou out to work in the fields every day.
During the day we were yarning and at nighttime we went to the field, in order to stack hay; and when we did not manage to fulfill the norm, we did not receive any bread for lunch, but only a little soup. In the winter I fell trees to procure wood”.
When from 1961 they did not have to regularly check and get registered with the commandant’s office anymore, she went to work for the butter factory, where she stayed for the rest of her life, until she went on pension. Alma Fedorovna is in possession of a serious of awards and decorations; she was often set apart for the exemplary work she had done. Now she lives with her son assisting his family with the education of her grandsons Vitia and Kostia. She is unable to recall the past without breaking into tears. Woldemar Friedrichovich Gardt was working for the kolkhoz farm as from 1943; as of 1946 he attended special training courses for tractor drivers. From 1947 to 1987 he was working as a tractorist. He also appeared as an exemplary worker many times and was put forward for being awarded. He has only pleasant memories of the time when he was working for the kolkhoz farm. In 1951 he got married to Yelena Timofeevna Chernova. They have six children and they all learned a proper trade
Four of his children live and work in the village of Balakhton: Fiodor Vladimirovich is the head of the Kosulsk District, Vladimir Vladimirovich is director of the “Balakhtanskoe” Joint Stock Company, Ivan Vladimirovich works as a driver and Maria Vladimirovna has a job as a cook for the kindergarten. All the four of them have entries in their workman’s passport, mentioning them as exemplary workers. Sergei Vladimirovich lives in the settlement of Kosulka. He is working for the district administration of internal affairs. Aleksander Vladimirovich, the eldest son, lost his life in Kamchatka in 2003. Waldemar Freidrichovich is a multiple grandfather, too. He has 12 grandchildren and 6 grand-grandchildren, who are now continuing the history of this family. Whenever there is a family celebration they will meet at the house of Woldemar Friedrichovich Hardt and Klena Timofeevna Chernova, who, in spite of their great age, have neither lost their optimism nor their belief in the future.
The aim of this present exposition was to study the characteristics which appear in the fates of the repressed Germans, who have been living in our village for more than 70 years.
We tried to prove that these people were able to survive and conserve their original nature, which is called humanity. They had to do hard labour. However, they were not broken down by all the grief, but managed to stand their ground, to defend their right to live, to conserve their culture and traditions.
They were not intimidated by the hard conditions of Siberian life, for they did not forfeit their vivid, clear mind. They knew how to make themselves useful. It is really worthwhile to envy them for their steadfastness and stamina; many people would be unable to bear the kind of misery they had to cope with. And at the same time they remained human beings in the true sense of the word.
They did not only manage to survive, but be loved and cherished by the people around them, as well.
1. S. Courtois, N. Werth, Jean-Louis Panné, A. Paczkowski, K. Bartosek, J.L.
Margolin “Black Book of Communism”, Moscow, 2001. p. 215.
2. L.V. Malinovskiy “History of the Soviet-Germans in the Historiography of the
Federal Republic of Germany” // Questions on History. 1991, 2.. p. 240.
3. W.P. Bruhl “The Germans in West-Siberia”. Topchikha, 1995, p. 101-107.
4. S. Courtois, N. Werth, Jean-Louis Panné, A. Paczkowski, K. Bartosek, J.L.
Margolin “Black Book of Communism”, Moscow, 2001. p. 216.
1. B.J. Andiusev: Siberian Local Lore, Krasnoyarsk, 2001.
2. W.P. Bruhl “The Germans in West-Siberia”, Topchikha, 1995.
3. N.F. Bugai. Documents from the archive: Deportation:Beriya reports to Stalin
// Communist, 1991, 3.
4. The Krasnoyarsk Territory in the history of our fatherland. Second Book,
October 1917-1940, Krasnoyarsk, 1996.
5. S. Courtois, N. Werth, Jean-Louis Panné, A. Paczkowski, K. Bartosek, J.L.
Margolin “Black Book of Communism”, Moscow, 2001.
6. L.V. Malinovskiy “History of the Soviet-Germans in the Historiography of the
Federal Republic of Germany” // Questions on History. 1991, 2.
7. Materials from the State Archive of the Krasnoyarsk Territory
8. L.I. Oberderfer (Oberdörfer) “The deported Germans in West-Siberia
(1941-1944)” // Electronic magazine “Siberian Settlement”, 2002.6.
9. Family archives of the Germans who live in the village of Balakhton.