A lecture on "Memorial"
Tasks and mission of the organization
- - to keep the victims of political reprisals and despotism in everlasting
remembrance,
- - to restore the historical truth about unlawful means of oppression, study
their reasons and after-effects,
- - to support the vistims of political reprisals to get their rehabilitation
and render help to the victims and their families,
- - to assist with the restoration of the political conscience and the sense of
justice among the people by condemning all political methods based on despotism and oppression,
by rejecting any acts of violence and undemocratic practices that are used to solve
social, economical and political problems.
The last paragraph needs a more detailed explanation yet. It has to be
expressly mentioned that "Memorial" is far away from being a political
organization, if we understand a political organization as an organization,
which follows a program and fights for power. "Memorial" is an
entirely voluntary union of people, who - regardless of their political
opinions, are in agreement on the disapproval of violence as a means of solving
problems. It suffices to say that "Memorial" is made up of people
(who, by the way, are also trying to find a common language), who have the same
opposing opinions as have the Communists and the "Democratic
Alliance". A political party pretends to know, HOW THINGS ARE SUPPOSED TO
BE, and it fights for this principle. "Memorial" knows, or at least
tries to recognize and detect, HOW THINGS MUST NOT BE, and it undertakes all
efforts to make sure that THESE THINGS WILL NOT HAPPEN AGAIN.
The activities of the organization
The organization locates the position of places, where there are mass graves
of vistims of political reprisals (including former camps), and organizes
collections for the erecting of memorial stones at the burial plces (and at the
same time its members explain their point of view about the necessity of such
memorial stones). Kurapaty. The Krasnoyarsk Kurapaty: the ZR industrial area
(Zelenoy Roshchey, a Krasnoyarsk city district; translator's note).
The organization collects, purchases or accepts as gifts or testamentary
dispositions all kinds of oral, written or documentary information that are
connected with political reprisals. These materials are classified by preparing
card indexes and producing extensive reference books.
At the moment this seems to be our main work (the people are passing away,
one after the other: we have to remember them all, since they have not simply
been killed, but were ERASED from memory).
- we deal with letters and act on written information
- we reconstruct the fate of victims of reprisals
- we find former victims of reprisals, question them and keep records
- we assess the memoirs of former camp prisoners
- we prepare card indexes of victims of reprisals, executors, camps, etc.
- we put into the archives reminescences, text cuttings, documents, photos,
etc.
The region of Krasnoyarsk was one of the centers of the GULAG archipelago.
The so-called kulaks were deported to the banks of the river Yenissey during the
collectivization period, without being provided them with the necessary means of
existence; and on their bones they built the city of Igarka. And from Solovki
they sent large prisoner transports to this region to have them built the
Norilsk Mining and Metallurgical Combine. These measures started in 1934, after
Kirov's murder.
After the Baltic states had been conquered, the Communists started their mass
oppressions on this territory, and on the 14th of June 1941 inhabitants of the
Baltic republics were deported on a large scale - mainly to the Krasnoyarsk
region. Soon after the outbreak of World War II the entire polulation of Germans
from the Volga Republic were displaced to the Krasnoyarsk region and to
Kazakhstan. They were exposed to these places without any basis and means of
existence. The local residents treated them in anutterly bad and inkind way; and
then all men fit for work were chased into the trud-army (labor army;
translator's note), i.e. to the forced labor camps. At the end of the war entire
ethnical groups were exiled to the Krasnoyarsk region: Kalmyks, Tatars,
Chechens, Ingush and others. The Kalmyks were taken into the woods. And after
the war they did the same they had done to the Baltic people before to the
inhabitants of the West Ukraine and Belorussia, Moldavia, the Turki.
Late in the 1940s: the cosmopolitans, the recidivists ("repeaters";
persons reimprisoned or exiled again on the bases of a fabricated case;
translator's note).
The boggest camps were: the Norillag, camp No. 503, the Kraslag with its
center in Kansk (there were lots of compounds), the Mariinsk camps (Siblag).
The organization wants to succeed in persuading the authorities that the
State must grant the urgently needed social and financial allowances to all
those, who suffered from political reprisals. The organization furthermore tries
to assist the victims in this within the bounds of possibility: to obtain the
status of a veteran, to achieve an alliance of the victims of reprisals, to
grant moral support.
The organization is going to found an information and research center, where
they can carry through all kinds of research and enlightenment work, as well as
a permanently operating museum; it evaluates and analyzes all collected
information, using the resultats for the enlightenment activities, i.e. the
publication of documents and articles, public speeches and lectures,
discussions, etc.
The establishment of such a center has already been achieved. Its director is
Y. Afanasev, the principal of the Institute of Historical Records. Professional
historians are intended to explain the roots and sources of what happened in
this dark past, the more since this task has turned out to be of an utmost
importance nowadays; for some kind of revolutionary situation is just coming up
again in our country: those on top of the government are unable to rule over the
country in the old manner, and the people do not want to live on in the usual
way. Something has to be done to solve this problem, but one has to be very
careful not to do it in the same way as they did in the past. Strictly speaking,
a revolution will always end in the killing of the masses - just for the one and
only reason to avoid things to become worse than before. And how do we start
this present revolution? If we try to push the party apparatus against the wall,
then we will end up once again in the year 1937, i.e. we will exterminate each
other. Therefore it is most essential to keep track of the events that happened
in the past, to learn from the bad experiences and mistakes of history, so that
the present fighters for justice do not become oppressed persons agaian. See the
case of Gusev, Tolstoi's secretary.
The working conferences (of course, the are still "vulnerable", but
we do not insist, after all, to be always right and always have the final say).
There cannot be any total consent, because the Democratic Alliance is considered
to be a right-wing party and the Communists tend to much to the left. Let us say
it this way: this or that is my point of view, and many "Memorialists"
have a s imilar opinion. The essential point is the effort to bring economy,
politics, law and justice into harmony. Unfortunately, the thesis has been
evolved that Yusef Dzhugashvili, an evil man, was allowed to come to power by
accident, and that he then caused such a mess. But all these tragic events were
not exclusively due to Stalin.
Conception
The October subversion caused a number of preconditions, which finally lead
to the mass terror.
- One of the prevailing opinions was that good existences were disturbed
by certain enemie, who had usurped the power: the Tsar, the capitalists, big landowners. It was
assumed that things would improve, as soon as these people had been deprived of their
power. The foe image took our consciousness by storm; and in the eyes of the masses the
party apparatus is considered to be such an enemy (not the common Communists, but the
apparatus itself), and many people think that all problems can be solved, as soon as we
have put this party apparatus out of the way. This is one of the most horrible stereotypies
of our consciousness, and this very phenomenon was made good use of during the
period of the mass terror: to justify economic setbacks, for example.
- It was said that the moral common to all mankind (very simply
formulated by Christianity: do as you would be done) had become antiquated and that from
now on everything was moral that would lead to the victory of the revolution. This
was, in fact, a revival of the thesis "the end justifies the means" from the
Nechaev era (Yegor Yefimovich Nechaev, 1847-1882, Russian revolutionary and conspirator; translator's
note).
- There was, of course, no clear idea and comprehension of how to
continue the process. Well, the Marxist theory supplied reasons and arguments, but practice showed
that things moved down into some utopianism à la Campanelli, namely into what we
call war communism. An economic incentive, any stimulans to do one's work, were simply
eliminated; they were substituted by compulsory allotments. The consequences
were: the emergence of a party and government machinery with an unlimited authority
on the one hand, and the economic breakdown on the other. Just this very fact is so
obvious, so manifest that it was even recognized by the official press.
- Nevertheless, the revolutionaries were convonced of the rightness of
their ideology, and the even went so far to consider it possible and necessary to stay in
power, and this meant, in fact, that they returned to Nechaevism. The theoretical position
grew weaker and weaker, according as the position of the opponents become stronger. This
problem remained the same until nowadays: every dissident, every person of a
differnet opinion is being persecuted in our country by forcible measures, for there is no
possibility to gain the victory before the state machinery in anopen and honest discussion. All
this finally leads to a civil war.
- The civil war, irrespective of the fact that it cost the lives of 18
million people and even aggravated the economic dislocation and ruin of the country, had two
demoralizing consequences: firstly, the alienation effect among the people increased
considerably, assuming alarming proportions; it was impossible to peacefully live with
one's neighbours, who, not long ago, had killed eachother; and particularly at that
time the foe image stroke roots in the people's consciousness; secondly, the people
got used to solve problems by using the nagan revolver - that was so easy. Human life
lost its value and the last sorry remnants of a sense of justice got lost among the people.
However, the civil war was entailed apositive concomitant phenomenon, as
well: some reasonable representatives of the government, first of all Lenin, of
course, finally conceived their mistakes and were not afraid to honestly admit
their faults before the public. The NEP (New Economic Policy) was put into
force. It brought about quite a lot of economic incentives, but it also involved
a certain threat for those who were in power: alternative political forces were
now given the chance to act, and those, who were already eagerly enjoying their
power, did neither intend to lose nore share it. This problem still exists
nowadays. There are only two ways: hand over one's position of power to someone
else or maintain it, even though this might result in disastrous consequences
for the country. And the state machinery will, of course, always try to
consolidate its power, and if the worst comes to the worst, it will even push
this through by means of mass terror. Without any doubt, mass terror might be
applied again, if this is considered necessary by the state machinery. The one
and only difference is that the state machinery of THOSE DAYS unconditionally
intended to keep its claim to power, i order to achieve its objectives, its
ideology, while our TODAY'S state merely defends its privileges.
Since the early 1920s the method of how to discuss with the representatives
of political currents that did not sympathize with the All-Russian Communist
Party of the Bolsheviks, was the following: political isolation. The fight
against different opinions was suspended by the fight against the
representatives of these different opinions. Such political isolators where, in
fact, prisons, and later, starting with Solovki - the camp network. In the
prisons they were merely kept behind bars, but in the camps they had to do
forced labor.
At that time the state machinery was going through a very cruel struggle for
power, step by step its best leaders were degraded, since a struggle for power
is a struggle for ideas and ideologies, as well - different things, of course,
but when the only way to push through one's ideas is the accession to power,
then it is done this way - although, these very ideas are quickly dropped and
forgotten about, as soon as one has finally risen to power, right?
- The NEP was sligthly one-sided: at the time, when agriculture,
services sectors and some parts of the consumer goods industry were developing quite dynamically, the
industry was able to overcome the crises, due to the existence of economic incentives
and the incompetence of the blown up administrative machinery. Of course, this led to
various kinds of incongruities, i.e. rising prices for bread; people began to hide
away foodstuffs, etc. Once again the state machinery was confronted with a problem: either
give the people freedom and let them off to the industrial sector (thus losing their
influence on the march of events), or liquidate the farmers and consolidate one's position and
power. In fact, this was the beginning of the collectivization - a mighty and
farsighted blow: first of all, an indpendent political power was smashed and subjugated (the
farmers actually were an independent force, because they were ECONOMICALLY
independent, owned their piece of land and feeded others: the others were all
depending on them, but the farmers were not depending on anybody and did not
give a damn about what Stalin or Sinovev were thinking about them); secondly, free of charge workers could now be supplied to the industry. Those
farmers, who had survived and had not been deported into camps, threw themselves
into the work for large construction projects, because there they were even able
to earn their living; and they were humble and quite modest in their demands,
due to all the previous scare technics. The farmers, who found themselves in
camps, in fact, became slaves; they merely worked for their feeding. This
mechanism had already been eagerly and carefully tested in practice in the
Solovki (special-purpose forced labor camp) complex. The Gulag project for the
construction of the White Sea - Baltic Canal had also proven its usefulness, and
the State began to take more and more advantage of people working for nothing:
in 1928 - 30.000 people were in camps, in 1930 - more than 600.000, in 1931-1932
- about 2 millions, 1933-1935 - approximately 5 millions, 1935-1937 - about 6
millions and in 1953 - approximately 12 millions.
- The early 1930s were historically marked as a further period of
subjugation of the people. A system of compulsory registration was introduced in the cities, which
practically exposed the people to the despotism and cruelties of the local authorities:
nobody was allowed to live or work where he had liked to. The kolkhoz farmers had de
facto been transformed into serves, because they were entirely, in all spheres of life,
commanded by that very same machinery. During this time they also finally closed the
border, elsewise the mass exodus of people leaving the USSR would have assumed alarming
proportions - and a considerable number of people had already left the country at that
time. The lack of material incentives lead to the ruin of economy; the solution of the problems
was forced in the proven manner: the exploitation of slaves with the aim of cutting the
prime costs.
However, in order to guarantee a continuous supply of manpower, one had to
influence the piblic opinion (which was achieved by creating the above mentioned for
image, by spreading the thesis of a quickly expanding class conflict, etc.) and sharpen
the existing laws - and this is what was de facto done. We have to stress that our cruel
legislation is not only a consequence of our common brutality and our being so
uncivilized - it was and still is a menas of solving economic difficulties. Large construction
projects, now as before, are carried out by prisoners, and in order to secure the supply with
these prisoners to the needed places, it is not necessary to sentence them, but to write them
off as criminial offenders. Thus, it becomes obvious that the law courts did not
function as institutions of jurisdiction, but became the suppliers of living work force:
the more moanpower was needed and requested, the more they strived to make the laws
increasingly cruel. The terror played another roll yet: it eradicated the
very last remnants of different thinking, even of any kind of independent thinking at all. The
machinery of terror moved on in such a rotational speed that every fairly remarkable,
fairly autonomously thinking person was caught up into the whirl-pool of events. In
the first place these were the specialists (not only the intelligentsia, but any other
expert as well, since each of them disposes to a considerable extent of self-respect and
independence at least in their behaviour). But any other person could accidentally get caught
in this machinery, too. When terror become the symbol of national policy and the
authorities were demanded an explanation from above, in how far they had successfully
realized the means of this terror, the upper governmental circles began to also apply such
terroristic campaigns to the administrative body, and if these instructions and orders
were not complied with, the responsible persons were threatened with arrest,
execution, etc. This was the moment, when the operative men in charge of apparatus went mad;
hoping to save their own skin, they started to eat up everyone who got in their way,
even one another. This period is called the year 1937, when the terror got completely
out of control and became entirely senseless in its cruelty: about one million of
people were simply executed, and this fact cannot be explained by ans economic
"necessity".
- After 1937, when the wave of terror had sligtly calmed down, the
people remained in a state of shock and apathy, the requested conformity of opinions had been
achieved, the execution of any further means of terror had already become an every-day
occurrance, the people had already got accustomed to them, and since then this has
remained unchanged.
Conclusion
We must reject the myth of enemies to be exterminated. They are no enemies,
but merely political opponents.
We must object to forcible fighting methods. This is particularly significant
for the "Left", because nothing else can be expected from the
machinery of the State; it is ignorant and, if being put under pressure,
immediately starts to use force - even nowadays: remember at least the Klepachev
story. One has to recall it: who waises his sword, will perish of it himself.
The end does not justify the means, and it is better to lose with dignity than
win without.
We have to reject the monopolization of one single truth, must learn to
accept and consider other people's right to utter their own opinion, no matter
how wild or strange these opinions or views appear to us.
These are all truisms, but they will probably fall into oblivion sooner or
later, too.
Alexey Babiy, 1989
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